HERE IS HOW EDUCATED WE ARE
Fascism (/ˈfæʃɪzəm/) is a form of far-right, authoritarian ultranationalism characterized by dictatorial power, forcible suppression of opposition and strong regimentation of society and of the economy which came to prominence in early 20th-century Europe.
So, when idiot Trump and his Fascist supporters point their fingers at “ANTIFA,” they have no idea what they are talking about. Attacking ANTIFA indicates you are a FASCIST. many of its members were absorbed into the military dictatorship of Francisco Franco, which itself displayed many fascist characteristics. In Poland the anti-Semitic Falanga, led by Boleslaw Piasecki, was influential but was unable to overthrow the conservative regime of Józef Piłsudski. Vihtori Kosola’s Lapua Movement in Finland nearly staged a coup in 1932 but was checked by conservatives backed by the army. The Arrow Cross Party (Nyilaskeresztes Párt) in Hungary, led by Ferenc Szálasi, was suppressed by the conservative regime of Miklós Horthy until 1944, when Szálasi was made a puppet ruler under the German occupation. In Romania the Iron Guard (Garda de Fier)—also called the League of Christian Defense, the Legion of the Archangel Michael, and All for the Fatherland—led by Corneliu Codreanu, was dissolved by the dictatorial regime of King Carol II in 1938. In 1939 Codreanu and several of his legionaries were arrested and “shot while trying to escape.” In 1940 remnants of the Iron Guard reemerged to share power but were finally crushed by Romanian conservatives in February 1941.
A political philosophy, movement, or regime (such as that of the Fascist) that exalts nation and often race above the individual and that stands for a centralized autocratic government headed by a dictatorial leader, severe economic and social regimentation, and forcible suppression of opposition
What is Fascism, and who started it?
Fascism is an ideology whose focus is on promoting the idea of a monolithic and regimented nation, preferably under an authoritarian ruler. Typically, this authoritarian ultranationalism highlights dictatorship and violent suppression of any opposing voices. You could also refer to such governments as totalitarian. Some people find their irrationality distasteful. In contrast, others appreciate the way fascism focuses on the interests of its supporters. Perhaps, it is because different fascist regimes embraced distinct approaches to issues, leaving behind varying signals. https://youtu.be/aUcYU95kCAI
The biggest disadvantage is the violence inherent in Fascism. In a Democracy, for example, it is not unusual to “shout down” the opposition. But in a Fascist state, the opposition is always repressed through violence, murder, and other physical force. Although some people might view this as an “efficiency advantage”, it isn’t.
The internal and external conflict necessary to keep a fascist government in power is never sustainable for long. Eventually, they always fall.
What Is the Difference Between Communism and Socialism?
The Difference Between Communism and Socialism
Modern socialism traces its roots to ideas that were articulated by Henri de Saint-Simon (1760–1825), who was himself an admirer of Adam Smith, but whose followers developed utopian socialism: Robert Owen (1771–1858), Charles Fourier (1772–1837), Pierre Leroux (1797–1871), and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809–1865), who is famous for declaring that "property is theft."2
These thinkers put forward ideas such as a more egalitarian distribution of wealth, a sense of solidarity among the working class, better working conditions, and common ownership of productive resources such as land and manufacturing equipment. Some called for the state to take a central role in production and distribution. They were contemporary with early workers' movements such as the Chartists, who pushed for universal male suffrage in Britain in the 1830s and 1840s.3 A number of experimental communities were founded based on the early socialists' utopian ideals; most were short-lived.
Following the fall of capitalism, a communist revolution, Marx argued, would take place where workers (which he called the proletariat) would take control of the means of production in a wholly democratic way. After a period of transition, the government itself would fade away, as workers build a classless society and an economy based on common ownership of the means of production. Production and consumption would reach an equilibrium: "from each according to his ability, to each according to his need." Extreme views later argued that even religion and the family, institutions of social control that were used to subjugate the working class, would also go the way of the government and private ownership.
Marx's revolutionary ideology inspired 20th-century movements that fought for, and in some cases won, control of governments. In 1917, the Bolshevik revolution overthrew the Russian czar and following a civil war established the Soviet Union, a nominally communist empire that collapsed in 1991.4 The Soviet Union was only "nominally" communist because, while ruled by the Communist Party, it did not achieve a classless, stateless society in which the population collectively owned the means of production.
In fact, for the first four decades of the Soviet Union's existence, the party explicitly acknowledged that it had not created a communist society. Until 1961, the party's official stance was that the Soviet Union was governed by the "dictatorship of the proletariat," an intermediate stage along with the inevitable progression towards the final stage of human evolution: true communism. In 1961, Premier Nikita Khrushchev declared that the Soviet state had begun "withering away," though it would persist for another three decades.5 When it did collapse in 1991, it was supplanted by a nominally democratic, capitalist system.
No 20th- or 21st-century communist state has created the post-scarcity economy Marx promised in the 19th century. More often, the result has been acute scarcity: Tens of millions of people died as a result of famine and political violence after the People's Republic of China was established in 1949, for example.6 Rather than eliminating class, China's and Russia's communist revolutions created small, enormously wealthy party cliques that profited from connections to state-owned enterprises.
Cuba, Laos, North Korea, and Vietnam, the world's only remaining communist states (with the exception of de facto capitalist China), have a combined gross domestic product (GDP) roughly the size of Tennessee's.
So, next time you speak and try to be a philosopher, please refrain.
The Rise and Fall of Fascism
From his birth in 1883 to the day of his death in 1945 Benito Mussolini was many things to many men. Son of a blacksmith of radical persuasion, Mussolini was a born revolutionary. He was named after Benito Juarez, the Mexican revolutionary leader. As he grew up he knew the hunger and hardships of the laboring class. He was s one of them, a natural leader, and a firebrand of the first order.
Through successive stages of radicalism and anticlericalism—including several years of exile in Switzerland because, as a confirmed pacifist, he refused to undergo military training—Mussolini became a leader of the Socialist party and editor of its newspaper. He broke with the party over the issue of Italian neutrality in the first World War—he was for participation alongside the Allies—and was expelled from it.
Thereupon Mussolini founded his own newspaper, enlisted in the Italian army, was wounded, and returned to run the paper. He made it into the voice of all the elements—the veterans, the unemployed, the renegade socialists, the nationalists, and so forth—who were discontented and disillusioned with democracy.
More crust than votes
Around Mussolini’s banner there rapidly grew up an army of followers—from gangsters to sincere patriots. Some of them were organized into strong-arm squads, armed and uniformed as “Blackshirt Militia.” The money for this came from alarmed industrialists and others of wealth who saw in the Mussolini movement a tool to suppress the radical revolution they feared and that Mussolini kept assuring them was on the way.
The proclaimed aims and principles of the fascist movement are perhaps of little consequence now. It promised almost every thing, from extreme radicalism in 1919 to extreme conservatism in 1922. In the main its program was centered on the idea of action, but in reality it meant for Italy naked personal power, achieved and maintained through violence.
The Fascists put up candidates in the parliamentary elections of 1921. They were not very successful, despite undercover support from some elements of the government. Altogether they received only about 5 percent of the total popular vote. But they succeeded in planting the impression that they had the solution to all of Italy’s postwar ills. The existing government had none, and so the March on Rome—a Colossal bluff—turned out a colossal success.
The early mask falls away
When the king called on Mussolini to form a government in October 1922, very few people in the world had any idea of what was meant by a totalitarian form of government. Mussolini himself probably did not know what he was going to do—except stay in power. A parliamentary majority backed the fascist government at the beginning, and most of the people thought fascism was a temporary interlude. They thought Italy could later return to freedom, and in the meantime fascism could take care of the crisis.
When Mussolini stepped into power, fascism had none of the superior-race, blood-and-soil trappings that came to Germany with Hitlerism. All the other elements of fascism were there, however: belief in violence, disbelief in legal processes, rabid nationalism, and so on. But the regime was not totalitarian in its first three years. Opposition parties were still legal, a strong opposition press operated under difficulties, and Mussolini kept talking about a return to normalcy.
It was only in 1925 that fascism fully threw off the mask. The murder of a socialist leader by the name of Matteotti, a fearless parliamentary opponent of fascism, was the signal. Through every device of open violence and concealed trickery the totalitarian machine was built up.
This meant complete state control of every phase of human activity. It meant fostering the idea that the Fascist party and the Italian state were one and the same. It meant deifying the nation and the leader. It meant the nourishing of nationalistic and warlike passions. It meant, in the end, alliance with the other great totalitarian power in Europe, acceptance of the debased and debasing theories of Nazism, and finally, active participation in the war.
Responsibilities and consequences
How shall we measure the consequences of fascism and its rule over Italy? How much responsibility for it shall we lay on the mass of the Italian people? There are a number of items that weigh on either side of the balance.
First of all, quite clearly, we remember that Italy—and that means the people of Italy—took to fascism when other nations as hard hit in the postwar era did not. Fascism in Italy, we recall, arrived long before the Nazis took over in Germany, and fascism taught the world and Hitler many of the tricks of totalitarian misrule—including the use of castor oil.
We remember Ethiopia and the way Italians shouted themselves hoarse sending their army off to the attack or greeting news of victories. That undisguised example of aggression not only snuffed out the independence of a free nation but also delivered a deathblow to the League of Nations. Italian aid to Franca helped overthrow democratic government in Spain where Mussolini and Hitler perfected their tactics for the second World War.
In passing we shall note that Italy treacherously seized Albania. And finally, we recall Italy’s entrance into this war for the basest of motives—a share of the spoils—at what seemed to be the last possible moment. The “stab in the back” when France was falling and the cowardly attack against Greece will not be forgotten, either.
All this can be chalked up against the Fascist government, of course; on the grounds that it was a gangster outfit that abused and misled the Italian people. Of these things the government was certainly guilty—but were the people innocent?
They were not untainted with the same guilt and they cannot escape shine share of the responsibility. They were not always opposed to what the government did in their name. They often applauded its actions and rarely showed signs of trying to stop its misrule. During the very years when fascism was at its worst in foreign aggression and internal oppression many Italians hailed Mussolini as a great man and firmly believed that fascism was a good thing for Italy. Some of them still do. A nation that is willing to share the gains of political gamblers cannot expect to escape wholly when they lose.
The other side of the picture
On the other hand, there are at least five points we might keep in mind as we assess Italy’s past and future:
- From 1919 to 1923 many Italians fought against fascism. They fought in parliament, in the press, and in the streets. The fight ceased only when all the opposition leaders had been imprisoned, exiled, or murdered, when the physical instruments of opposition had been destroyed—the printing presses, the trade unions and their offices, the cooperatives, and so on. It ceased openly only when the overwhelming pressure of the fascist police made open opposition impossible.
- Later, fascism turned to more subtle means to win the support of the Italian people. Open violence gave way to legal violence under a veneer of respectability that fooled many people. An era of prosperity arrived that dulled the appetite for political freedom: The outside world praised Mussolini and his works. Many Italians were baffled and their resistance to the slow moral poisoning of fascism broke down.
- The period of the Ethiopian war, beginning in 1935, rallied the nationalists more strongly than ever around the fascist regime. On the other hand, it woke many other Italians to the sudden realization that fascism meant war in earnest—not just bombastic threats of war for defensive purposes, but wrongful aggression that must in the end lead to the country’s destruction.
- During the period between 1936 and 1943 the lines were drawn more sharply between fascism and antifascism. As the depth of the disaster into which fascism had led Italy became clearer, more people joined the ranks of opposition. The underground movements gained in strength even if they never became overwhelming in numbers.
- The final collapse of fascism, though set off when Mussolini’s frightened lieutenants threw him overboard, was brought about by allied military victories plus the open rebellion of the people. Among the latter the strikes of industrial workers in Nazi-controlled northern Italy led the way. Nothing of this sort happened in Germany.
From EM 18: What Is the Future of Italy? (1945)
( August 1, 2021.)